【大紀元11月2日訊】 英文稿在下面
2005年11月1日發佈
尊敬的美利堅合眾國總統喬治‧沃克‧布什：
在你預定2005年11月訪問中國的前夕，我們，中國國內和國外的關注美中關係與中國改革的華人，支持美國促進中國進一步轉型的政策和行動。
我們讚賞總統先生在第二個任期宣佈將向全世界推廣民主和自由作為美國外交的首要目標。我們認為這一首要外交目標應該包含推動中國的民主改革。現在可能是美國向中國提出民主關切的時候了。
我們尊重多年來美國政府為改善中國的人權狀況所做的努力。同時我們認知到中國的關鍵人權領域情況不良的根本原因在於缺少保障人權的民主制度。美國的對華人權政策要想真正奏效，就不僅需要關注中國的人權記錄，而且需要倡導中國啟動民主進程。
我們理解總統先生對中國宗教自由的憂慮。但是在中國政府按照民主社會的慣例放棄對宗教活動的管制之前，中國很難有基本的宗教自由。
我們注意到美國為推進中國的法治而開展的種種工作。然而如果中國不採用民主規則和司法獨立，讓執政黨與執法機關、司法機關分離，中國的法治就不會取得實質性的進步。
我們肯定總統先生對格魯吉亞、烏克蘭、吉爾吉斯等前共產主義國家的民主選舉的支持。相信總統先生同樣知道，共產主義中國的任何一個政府官員都不是通過直接的自由的選舉產生的，中國縣級以上的人民代表大會也不是直接選舉的產物。
冷戰結束以來最重要的國際現象是中國在經濟、軍事、外交上的迅速崛起。越來越多的美國政治家、美國軍人和美國人民正在疑慮崛起中的中國將如何行使它對世界的日益增大的影響力。如果中國不願意加入民主陣營，如果中國不斷支持諸如北朝鮮、緬甸、伊朗、蘇丹、白俄羅斯、古巴、委內瑞拉這樣的暴政國家和不負責任的政權，中國的崛起就可能對最主要的民主國家美國構成挑戰，也可能對世界戰略格局和國際秩序構成挑戰。
絕大多數中國人是熱愛和平的，樂於把中國不斷增長的力量用於提高人民生活水平和實現社會全面進步。如果絕大多數中國人的這一意願不能通過建立一個民主制度得到體現，中國越來越強的國力就有可能投入世界擔心的方向。正如總統先生正確闡述過的，沒有其它國家的民主自由，就不會有美國的安全，也不會有世界的安寧。
美國主導的反對恐怖主義的鬥爭正在走向成功。美國在反恐方面對中國的需要正在降低。與此同時，美國與中國在政治領域和安全領域的分歧正在上升。美國現在有條件也有必要在對華關係和反恐之間建立平衡，在對華商業利益和推動中國的民主化之間建立平衡。
如果美國總統不僅同中國最高領導層討論北朝鮮核問題、雙邊經濟貿易糾紛、台灣海峽形勢這類議題，而且向中國最高領導層表達對中國民主改革的希望，敦促中國最高領導層執行國際公認的民主化標準，這樣做將順應世界民主自由的潮流，將反映美國兩黨的共同願望和美國的主流民意，將有助於中國朝健康的軌道發展。
一位民選的美國總統不僅應該向一個非民選的中國最高領導層表達民主關切，而且應該向缺乏充分的選舉權的中國人民表達民主關切。我們建議總統先生在訪華期間同中國真正獨立的非政府組織接觸，同普通的中國人接觸，聽一聽他們嚮往政治民主、社會公正、對外和平的聲音。如果美國總統對中國人民表達了民主關切，將會有效地改善美國在中國人民心目中的形象，將會有力地促使中國人民支持中美友好，將會有遠見地鼓舞中國人民爭取民主改革。
如果美中兩個大國不能在民主制度的框架下協商、合作，不但兩國之間的分歧難以合理解決，而且兩國之間的矛盾將會擴展。這對二十一世紀的世界不是好動向。中國的民主自由不僅符合中國人民的利益，而且符合美國人民的利益，符合世界人民的利益。
我們期待著你成為向中國表達民主關切的第一位美國總統。
簽名人（以簽名時間為序。簽名截止日為2005年10月31日）：
方覺（公開信起草人和發起人，在美國的中國政治活動人士）
徐康（中國法律工作者）
何冠昌（中國商人）
李勝利（中國國有企業的失業工人）
白詠香（中國國有企業的失業工人）
王有才（在美國的中國政治活動人士）
徐水良（在美國的中國政治活動人士）
趙昕（中國獨立作家）
肖勇（中國獨立畫家）
逸風（中國獨立作家）
劉京生（中國人權活動人士）
胡佳（中國愛滋病志願工作者）
馬文都（中國自由撰稿人）
薛振標（中國商人）
黎小龍（中國自由職業者）
高海賓（中國自由職業者）
東海一梟（中國獨立作家）
馬可‧波羅（中國律師）
邢錚（美國加利福尼亞州立大學教師）
齊志勇（中國人權活動人士）
龐梅青（中國人權活動人士）
賈建英（中國人權活動人士）
李海（中國人權活動人士）
陳青林（中國人權活動人士）
王國齊（中國人權活動人士）
康玉春（中國人權活動人士）
周國強（中國人權活動人士）
錢玉民（中國人權活動人士）
梁強（中國人權活動人士）
楊天水（中國人權活動人士）
陳西（中國人權活動人士）
車宏年（中國人權活動人士）
李國濤（中國人權活動人士）
戴學武（中國人權活動人士）
楊勤恆（中國人權活動人士）
歐陽懿（中國人權活動人士）
張林（中國人權活動人士）
許萬平（中國人權活動人士）
李任科（中國人權活動人士）
盧勇祥（中國人權活動人士）
曾寧（中國人權活動人士）
康成（中國人權活動人士）
李廣（中國人權活動人士）
馬志雄（中國人權活動人士）
陳斌（美國伊利諾州立大學學者）
周建（全美中國學生學者自治聯合會主席）
陳樹慶（中國人權活動人士）
余鐵龍（中國人權活動人士）
范雪琴（中國國有企業的失業工人）
蘆玉蘭（中國國有企業的失業工人）
單稱峰（中國人權活動人士）
王東海（中國人權活動人士）
徐光（中國人權活動人士）
王榮清（中國人權活動人士）
高海兵（中國人權活動人士）
王富華（中國人權活動人士）
池建偉（中國人權活動人士）
王哲軍（中國人權活動人士）
張詒達（中國人權活動人士）
程凡（中國人權活動人士）
趙寶斌（中國失業工人）
董干（中國農民工）
蔣文祝（中國農民工）
王世運（中國農民工）
熊付生（中國農民工）
吳福生（中國農民工）
何正友（中國農民工）
付正廣（中國農民工）
趙玉江（中國農民工）
（完）
Please Express Your Concerns over Democracy to China
— An Open Letter to the United States President George
W. Bush on His Upcoming China Visit
November 1st, 2005
The Honorable President of the United States of America
Mr. George W. Bush,
While your November China visit is nearing, we, some concerned Chinese in China and abroad over the US-China relations and China’s reform, would like to state our support of the US policies and actions in pushing for further transformation in China.
We greatly appreciate Mr. President’s words, in your second term, that the paramount goal of the US foreign affairs will be advocating global democracy and freedom, which we take as including promoting China’s democratic reform. It is now perhaps the very time to show to Chinese the US concerns over democracy in China.
We highly regard the efforts of the US government in the past years in helping improve China’s human rights conditions. Meanwhile, we realize that the root cause of the bad Chinese human rights conditions in key areas is the lack of institution of democracy. A successful US human rights policy toward China should not only raise concerns over China’s human rights record, but also urge China to start the process of democratization.
We understand Mr. President’s concerns over freedom of religion in China. But before Chinese regime gives up its control over religious activities, in compliance with the norms of democracy, Chinese people can hardly enjoy real freedom of religion.
Having impressed us is also the United States’ work in promoting China’s rule of law. However, without democracy and an independent judicial system that separates the ruling party from law enforcement and judicial organs, the rule of law in China cannot be advanced in any substantive steps.
We welcome and embrace Mr. President’s support of the free elections in Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan and other former communist countries. We also believe that Mr. President is aware of the fact that none of the Chinese government officials at all levels was elected freely. It includes all of the people’s delegates above county level.
Since the end of the Cold War, communist China’s rapid rising has become one of the most far-reaching phenomena in the world’s economic, military, and diplomatic arenas. More and more US politicians, military leaders and even the general public begin to worry how a rising China will exercise its increasing influence in the world. If China rejects to become a part of the world’s democratic camp but instead continues to support tyrannical and irresponsible regimes such as North Korea, Burma, Iran, Sudan, Belarus, Cuba, and Venezuela, China’s rising could pose a serious challenge to the United States, which we view as the world’s principal democracy, as well as the international order and the global strategic balance.
The vast majority of Chinese love peace. They would like to see a China that invests its growing wealth into improving its people’s living standard and enhancing comprehensive social advancement. If this will of the vast majority Chinese cannot become true by means of establishing a democracy, the rising national strength of China may well direct itself to conducts that will trouble the world. Just as Mr. President correctly pointed out, without democracy and freedom in other countries, there will be neither security for the United States nor stability for the whole world.
The United States led global counter-terror campaign is now succeeding. And so the US need of China for the campaign is diminishing. In parallel and simultaneously the differences in political and security areas between the United States and China are widening. We believe it is now necessary and practical for the United States to balance its China policy with its counter-terror effort, as well as its commercial interests in China and its call for democratization there.
If the US President not only holds talks with top Chinese leaders on issues such as North Korean nuclear problem, bilateral trade and economic disputes, and Taiwan Strait affairs, but also expresses his hope for democratic reform in China and urges Chinese leaders to carry out internationally recognized standard of democracy, it will help China move forward with the world trend of democratization and liberalization. We are convinced that this is also a reflection of the bipartisan consensus and the mainstream public views in the United States.
A popularly elected US President should be able to express his concerns over democratization not only to self-appointed Chinese leaders but also to Chinese people who enjoy no universal suffrage right. It is our suggestion that Mr. President, during your China visit, touch base with genuine and independent Chinese non-governmental organizations as well as average Chinese to hear from them about their longing for democracy, social justice and world peace. Doing so will effectively help improve the image of the United States in the eyes of Chinese, rally more support of US-China friendship, and offer encouragement and inspiration for Chinese people to strive for democratic reform.
Should the United States and China, as two of the most important nations in the world, fail to dialogue and cooperate on a democratic basis, not only will they find it hard to rationally resolve their differences, but their conflicts will only intensify. This will be a vastly negative impact on the world in the twenty-first century. A free and democratic China is not only in the best interests of Chinese people, but also peoples of the United States and the whole world.
We respectfully expect, Mr. President, that you will be the first United States president who directly and explicitly expresses democratic concerns to China.
Signed (in order of signature time through October 31st, 2005):
Fang Jue (drafter and initiator of the open letter, Chinese political activist living in the United States)
Xu Kang (legal adviser to a Chinese state enterprise)
He Guangchang (Chinese businessman)
Li Shengli (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Bai Yongxiang (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Wang Youcai (Chinese political activist living in the United States)
Xu Shuiliang (Chinese political activist living in the United States)
Zhao Xin (Chinese Independent writer)
Xiao Yong (Chinese Independent painter)
Yi Feng (Chinese Independent writer)
Liu Jingsheng (Chinese human rights activist)
Hu Jia (AIDS volunteer in China)
Ma Wendu (Chinese freelancer)
Xue Zhenbiao (Chinese businessman)
Li Xiaolong (Chinese freelancer)
Gao Haibin (Chinese freelancer)
Donghai Yixiao (Chinese independent writer)
Mark Polo (Chinese lawyer)
Xing Zheng (member of the University of California faculty)
Qi Zhiyong (Chinese human rights activist)
Pang Meiqing (Chinese human rights activist)
Jia Jianying (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Hai (Chinese human rights activist)
Chen Qinglin (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Guoqi (Chinese human rights activist)
Kang Yuchun (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhou Guoqiang (Chinese human rights activist)
Qian Yumin (Chinese human rights activist)
Liang Qiang (Chinese human rights activist)
Yang Tianshui (Chinese human rights activist)
Chen Xi (Chinese human rights activist)
Che Hongnian (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Guotao (Chinese human rights activist)
Dai Xuewu (Chinese human rights activist)
Yang Qinheng (Chinese human rights activist)
Ouyang Yi (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhang Lin (Chinese human rights activist)
Xu Wanping (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Renke (Chinese human rights activist)
Lu Yongxiang (Chinese human rights activist)
Zeng Ning (Chinese human rights activist)
Kang Cheng (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Guang (Chinese human rights activist)
Ma Zhixiong (Chinese human rights activist)
Chen Bin (University of Illinois scholar)
Zhou Jian (Chairman of Independent Federation of Chinese Students
& Scholars)
Chen Shuqing (Chinese human rights activist)
Yu Tielong (Chinese human rights activist)
Fan Xueqin (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Lu Yulan (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Shan Chengfeng (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Donghai (Chinese human rights activist)
Xu Guang (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Rongqing (Chinese human rights activist)
Gao Haibing (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Fuhua (Chinese human rights activist)
Chi Jianwei (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Zhejun (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhang Yida (Chinese human rights activist)
Cheng Fan (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhao Baobin (laid-off Chinese enterprise employee)
Dong Gan (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Jiang Wenzhu (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Wang Shiyun (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Xiong Fusheng (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Wu Fusheng (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
He Zhengyou (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Fu Zhengguang (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Zhao Yujiang (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
END
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