【大纪元11月2日讯】 英文稿在下面
2005年11月1日发布
尊敬的美利坚合众国总统乔治‧沃克‧布什：
在你预定2005年11月访问中国的前夕，我们，中国国内和国外的关注美中关系与中国改革的华人，支持美国促进中国进一步转型的政策和行动。
我们赞赏总统先生在第二个任期宣布将向全世界推广民主和自由作为美国外交的首要目标。我们认为这一首要外交目标应该包含推动中国的民主改革。现在可能是美国向中国提出民主关切的时候了。
我们尊重多年来美国政府为改善中国的人权状况所做的努力。同时我们认知到中国的关键人权领域情况不良的根本原因在于缺少保障人权的民主制度。美国的对华人权政策要想真正奏效，就不仅需要关注中国的人权记录，而且需要倡导中国启动民主进程。
我们理解总统先生对中国宗教自由的忧虑。但是在中国政府按照民主社会的惯例放弃对宗教活动的管制之前，中国很难有基本的宗教自由。
我们注意到美国为推进中国的法治而开展的种种工作。然而如果中国不采用民主规则和司法独立，让执政党与执法机关、司法机关分离，中国的法治就不会取得实质性的进步。
我们肯定总统先生对格鲁吉亚、乌克兰、吉尔吉斯等前共产主义国家的民主选举的支持。相信总统先生同样知道，共产主义中国的任何一个政府官员都不是通过直接的自由的选举产生的，中国县级以上的人民代表大会也不是直接选举的产物。
冷战结束以来最重要的国际现象是中国在经济、军事、外交上的迅速崛起。越来越多的美国政治家、美国军人和美国人民正在疑虑崛起中的中国将如何行使它对世界的日益增大的影响力。如果中国不愿意加入民主阵营，如果中国不断支持诸如北朝鲜、缅甸、伊朗、苏丹、白俄罗斯、古巴、委内瑞拉这样的暴政国家和不负责任的政权，中国的崛起就可能对最主要的民主国家美国构成挑战，也可能对世界战略格局和国际秩序构成挑战。
绝大多数中国人是热爱和平的，乐于把中国不断增长的力量用于提高人民生活水平和实现社会全面进步。如果绝大多数中国人的这一意愿不能通过建立一个民主制度得到体现，中国越来越强的国力就有可能投入世界担心的方向。正如总统先生正确阐述过的，没有其它国家的民主自由，就不会有美国的安全，也不会有世界的安宁。
美国主导的反对恐怖主义的斗争正在走向成功。美国在反恐方面对中国的需要正在降低。与此同时，美国与中国在政治领域和安全领域的分歧正在上升。美国现在有条件也有必要在对华关系和反恐之间建立平衡，在对华商业利益和推动中国的民主化之间建立平衡。
如果美国总统不仅同中国最高领导层讨论北朝鲜核问题、双边经济贸易纠纷、台湾海峡形势这类议题，而且向中国最高领导层表达对中国民主改革的希望，敦促中国最高领导层执行国际公认的民主化标准，这样做将顺应世界民主自由的潮流，将反映美国两党的共同愿望和美国的主流民意，将有助于中国朝健康的轨道发展。
一位民选的美国总统不仅应该向一个非民选的中国最高领导层表达民主关切，而且应该向缺乏充分的选举权的中国人民表达民主关切。我们建议总统先生在访华期间同中国真正独立的非政府组织接触，同普通的中国人接触，听一听他们向往政治民主、社会公正、对外和平的声音。如果美国总统对中国人民表达了民主关切，将会有效地改善美国在中国人民心目中的形象，将会有力地促使中国人民支持中美友好，将会有远见地鼓舞中国人民争取民主改革。
如果美中两个大国不能在民主制度的框架下协商、合作，不但两国之间的分歧难以合理解决，而且两国之间的矛盾将会扩展。这对二十一世纪的世界不是好动向。中国的民主自由不仅符合中国人民的利益，而且符合美国人民的利益，符合世界人民的利益。
我们期待着你成为向中国表达民主关切的第一位美国总统。
签名人（以签名时间为序。签名截止日为2005年10月31日）：
方觉（公开信起草人和发起人，在美国的中国政治活动人士）
徐康（中国法律工作者）
何冠昌（中国商人）
李胜利（中国国有企业的失业工人）
白咏香（中国国有企业的失业工人）
王有才（在美国的中国政治活动人士）
徐水良（在美国的中国政治活动人士）
赵昕（中国独立作家）
肖勇（中国独立画家）
逸风（中国独立作家）
刘京生（中国人权活动人士）
胡佳（中国爱滋病志愿工作者）
马文都（中国自由撰稿人）
薛振标（中国商人）
黎小龙（中国自由职业者）
高海宾（中国自由职业者）
东海一枭（中国独立作家）
马可‧波罗（中国律师）
邢铮（美国加利福尼亚州立大学教师）
齐志勇（中国人权活动人士）
庞梅青（中国人权活动人士）
贾建英（中国人权活动人士）
李海（中国人权活动人士）
陈青林（中国人权活动人士）
王国齐（中国人权活动人士）
康玉春（中国人权活动人士）
周国强（中国人权活动人士）
钱玉民（中国人权活动人士）
梁强（中国人权活动人士）
杨天水（中国人权活动人士）
陈西（中国人权活动人士）
车宏年（中国人权活动人士）
李国涛（中国人权活动人士）
戴学武（中国人权活动人士）
杨勤恒（中国人权活动人士）
欧阳懿（中国人权活动人士）
张林（中国人权活动人士）
许万平（中国人权活动人士）
李任科（中国人权活动人士）
卢勇祥（中国人权活动人士）
曾宁（中国人权活动人士）
康成（中国人权活动人士）
李广（中国人权活动人士）
马志雄（中国人权活动人士）
陈斌（美国伊利诺州立大学学者）
周建（全美中国学生学者自治联合会主席）
陈树庆（中国人权活动人士）
余铁龙（中国人权活动人士）
范雪琴（中国国有企业的失业工人）
芦玉兰（中国国有企业的失业工人）
单称峰（中国人权活动人士）
王东海（中国人权活动人士）
徐光（中国人权活动人士）
王荣清（中国人权活动人士）
高海兵（中国人权活动人士）
王富华（中国人权活动人士）
池建伟（中国人权活动人士）
王哲军（中国人权活动人士）
张诒达（中国人权活动人士）
程凡（中国人权活动人士）
赵宝斌（中国失业工人）
董干（中国农民工）
蒋文祝（中国农民工）
王世运（中国农民工）
熊付生（中国农民工）
吴福生（中国农民工）
何正友（中国农民工）
付正广（中国农民工）
赵玉江（中国农民工）
（完）
Please Express Your Concerns over Democracy to China
— An Open Letter to the United States President George
W. Bush on His Upcoming China Visit
November 1st, 2005
The Honorable President of the United States of America
Mr. George W. Bush,
While your November China visit is nearing, we, some concerned Chinese in China and abroad over the US-China relations and China’s reform, would like to state our support of the US policies and actions in pushing for further transformation in China.
We greatly appreciate Mr. President’s words, in your second term, that the paramount goal of the US foreign affairs will be advocating global democracy and freedom, which we take as including promoting China’s democratic reform. It is now perhaps the very time to show to Chinese the US concerns over democracy in China.
We highly regard the efforts of the US government in the past years in helping improve China’s human rights conditions. Meanwhile, we realize that the root cause of the bad Chinese human rights conditions in key areas is the lack of institution of democracy. A successful US human rights policy toward China should not only raise concerns over China’s human rights record, but also urge China to start the process of democratization.
We understand Mr. President’s concerns over freedom of religion in China. But before Chinese regime gives up its control over religious activities, in compliance with the norms of democracy, Chinese people can hardly enjoy real freedom of religion.
Having impressed us is also the United States’ work in promoting China’s rule of law. However, without democracy and an independent judicial system that separates the ruling party from law enforcement and judicial organs, the rule of law in China cannot be advanced in any substantive steps.
We welcome and embrace Mr. President’s support of the free elections in Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan and other former communist countries. We also believe that Mr. President is aware of the fact that none of the Chinese government officials at all levels was elected freely. It includes all of the people’s delegates above county level.
Since the end of the Cold War, communist China’s rapid rising has become one of the most far-reaching phenomena in the world’s economic, military, and diplomatic arenas. More and more US politicians, military leaders and even the general public begin to worry how a rising China will exercise its increasing influence in the world. If China rejects to become a part of the world’s democratic camp but instead continues to support tyrannical and irresponsible regimes such as North Korea, Burma, Iran, Sudan, Belarus, Cuba, and Venezuela, China’s rising could pose a serious challenge to the United States, which we view as the world’s principal democracy, as well as the international order and the global strategic balance.
The vast majority of Chinese love peace. They would like to see a China that invests its growing wealth into improving its people’s living standard and enhancing comprehensive social advancement. If this will of the vast majority Chinese cannot become true by means of establishing a democracy, the rising national strength of China may well direct itself to conducts that will trouble the world. Just as Mr. President correctly pointed out, without democracy and freedom in other countries, there will be neither security for the United States nor stability for the whole world.
The United States led global counter-terror campaign is now succeeding. And so the US need of China for the campaign is diminishing. In parallel and simultaneously the differences in political and security areas between the United States and China are widening. We believe it is now necessary and practical for the United States to balance its China policy with its counter-terror effort, as well as its commercial interests in China and its call for democratization there.
If the US President not only holds talks with top Chinese leaders on issues such as North Korean nuclear problem, bilateral trade and economic disputes, and Taiwan Strait affairs, but also expresses his hope for democratic reform in China and urges Chinese leaders to carry out internationally recognized standard of democracy, it will help China move forward with the world trend of democratization and liberalization. We are convinced that this is also a reflection of the bipartisan consensus and the mainstream public views in the United States.
A popularly elected US President should be able to express his concerns over democratization not only to self-appointed Chinese leaders but also to Chinese people who enjoy no universal suffrage right. It is our suggestion that Mr. President, during your China visit, touch base with genuine and independent Chinese non-governmental organizations as well as average Chinese to hear from them about their longing for democracy, social justice and world peace. Doing so will effectively help improve the image of the United States in the eyes of Chinese, rally more support of US-China friendship, and offer encouragement and inspiration for Chinese people to strive for democratic reform.
Should the United States and China, as two of the most important nations in the world, fail to dialogue and cooperate on a democratic basis, not only will they find it hard to rationally resolve their differences, but their conflicts will only intensify. This will be a vastly negative impact on the world in the twenty-first century. A free and democratic China is not only in the best interests of Chinese people, but also peoples of the United States and the whole world.
We respectfully expect, Mr. President, that you will be the first United States president who directly and explicitly expresses democratic concerns to China.
Signed (in order of signature time through October 31st, 2005):
Fang Jue (drafter and initiator of the open letter, Chinese political activist living in the United States)
Xu Kang (legal adviser to a Chinese state enterprise)
He Guangchang (Chinese businessman)
Li Shengli (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Bai Yongxiang (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Wang Youcai (Chinese political activist living in the United States)
Xu Shuiliang (Chinese political activist living in the United States)
Zhao Xin (Chinese Independent writer)
Xiao Yong (Chinese Independent painter)
Yi Feng (Chinese Independent writer)
Liu Jingsheng (Chinese human rights activist)
Hu Jia (AIDS volunteer in China)
Ma Wendu (Chinese freelancer)
Xue Zhenbiao (Chinese businessman)
Li Xiaolong (Chinese freelancer)
Gao Haibin (Chinese freelancer)
Donghai Yixiao (Chinese independent writer)
Mark Polo (Chinese lawyer)
Xing Zheng (member of the University of California faculty)
Qi Zhiyong (Chinese human rights activist)
Pang Meiqing (Chinese human rights activist)
Jia Jianying (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Hai (Chinese human rights activist)
Chen Qinglin (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Guoqi (Chinese human rights activist)
Kang Yuchun (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhou Guoqiang (Chinese human rights activist)
Qian Yumin (Chinese human rights activist)
Liang Qiang (Chinese human rights activist)
Yang Tianshui (Chinese human rights activist)
Chen Xi (Chinese human rights activist)
Che Hongnian (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Guotao (Chinese human rights activist)
Dai Xuewu (Chinese human rights activist)
Yang Qinheng (Chinese human rights activist)
Ouyang Yi (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhang Lin (Chinese human rights activist)
Xu Wanping (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Renke (Chinese human rights activist)
Lu Yongxiang (Chinese human rights activist)
Zeng Ning (Chinese human rights activist)
Kang Cheng (Chinese human rights activist)
Li Guang (Chinese human rights activist)
Ma Zhixiong (Chinese human rights activist)
Chen Bin (University of Illinois scholar)
Zhou Jian (Chairman of Independent Federation of Chinese Students
& Scholars)
Chen Shuqing (Chinese human rights activist)
Yu Tielong (Chinese human rights activist)
Fan Xueqin (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Lu Yulan (laid-off Chinese state enterprise employee)
Shan Chengfeng (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Donghai (Chinese human rights activist)
Xu Guang (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Rongqing (Chinese human rights activist)
Gao Haibing (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Fuhua (Chinese human rights activist)
Chi Jianwei (Chinese human rights activist)
Wang Zhejun (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhang Yida (Chinese human rights activist)
Cheng Fan (Chinese human rights activist)
Zhao Baobin (laid-off Chinese enterprise employee)
Dong Gan (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Jiang Wenzhu (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Wang Shiyun (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Xiong Fusheng (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Wu Fusheng (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
He Zhengyou (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Fu Zhengguang (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
Zhao Yujiang (Chinese migrant worker from a rural area)
END
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